by
RAZFX
@ 2008-01-19 - 01:27:09
Three people phoned me earlier in the evening to mention it. There was a new film on PBS: The American Experience. Called “Oswald’s Ghost.” Presumably each had called because, as an FBI agent had once casually mentioned to a close friend of mine, they knew of my “interest in the Kennedy assassination.”
Of course, I’m not quite as interested as I once was. There’d been times when it seemed possible that something might still be done about the worst crime in American history. Public opinion polls have for forty years consistently shown a two-thirds majority of Americans believe that President Kennedy was the victim of a conspiracy, and most of these also believe that the CIA was involved.
There’d even been a congressional investigation, a select committee funded during the Carter administration, in the aftermath of Watergate and Senate hearings into activities of our secret police, and a growing number of representatives, having finally poked into the documentary evidence then available, concluded that both the JFK and Martin Luther King, Jr. murders had been the products of conspiracies. The committee Report referred the matter to the Justice Department for further investigation.
The Justice Department, with the ascension of Reagan, ignored it.
The evidence was by that time already overwhelming. Anyone who faced up to the facts with an open mind could reach no other conclusion. Unfortunately, not too many people were willing to do that. In the ten years or so that I researched, wrote , and talked about these crimes in public forums and on Bay Area radio, I had several experiences which reinforced that belief.
One of these involved Senator Barbara Boxer, who was then a congresswoman. I’d known Barbara for a long time. She’d come out of a suburban anti-war movement. Now that she’d been elected to the House, I thought, considering her relatively progressive politics, she’d be interested in viewing a snippet of film which at the time was both unavailable to the public and also the most important evidentiary document in the JFK murder: a copy of the 16 millimeter film of the assassination taken by Abraham Zapruder.
The Zapruder film shows Kennedy’s shooting from a position to the right front of the motorcade as it rolled into the killing zone on Elm Street. Behind Zapruder was the picket fence atop a grassy knoll. To his left was the Texas School Depository Building.
Although every detail of the assassination has now been sucked out of the corners, and the film itself has been viewed by many millions, at the time I got ahold of a copy it was illegal to possess it and illegal to show it. It had been viewed by several members of the Warren Commission – or at least members of its staff; the members themselves were usually too busy to attend – and stills from it had been printed by Life Magazine, which owned it. But the film itself offered a stunning experience to anyone who saw it.
I showed the Zapruder film to public audiences, first explaining that the official government story of the fictitious “lone assassin” had rested on proof of two things: first, that all of the shots had to have been fired within 5.6 second and, second, that each had been fired from the farthest corner window on the sixth floor of the Depository.
When seen in color and on a big screen, we witness Kennedy’s head being struck in the right temple, the force driving it violently back and to the left. No one other than a crazy person wants to see it. Each time, audiences exploded in shock, a collective gasp at the halo of blood.
Barbara Boxer would not look at it. Okay, I do understand why a person might want to skip it. It’s horrifying to look at. I’ve now seen it a hundred times and I can say with great authority that it doesn’t get any easier. But Boxer was a member of congress. In my opinion, she had no moral choice. She evidently disagreed. I imagine she’s seen it by now. I never asked her.
Since the Zapruder film clearly showed that the fatal shot was fired from the right front of the limousine, it had to be suppressed. But since the film existed, and since at 18.3 frames per second the Bell and Howell gave us a chronometer with which to analyze the time intervals between shots, an explanation had to be crafted which would pin the shooting on Oswald, who was said to have been in the sixth floor window of the book building.
Enter a young Commission staff lawyer named Arlen Specter. His theory, such as it is:
Oswald fired three shots from the sixth floor window, the most it was possible to fire from the bolt-action Mannlicher-Carcano (about which, more later) in 5.6 seconds. One shot struck Kennedy in the head, killing him; one missed the limousine entirely and wounded a spectator, James Tague, who had been standing next to the triple underpass to the far front of the motorcade. The third, therefore, had to account for the other known wounds in both Kennedy and Texas Governor John Connally, who had been sitting directly to Kennedy’s front.
This created a problem for Mr. Specter who, even at such a tender age, might already have envisioned himself as a Senator from Pennsylvania. Kennedy’s back wound was not in his neck; it was several inches down his back and slightly to the right of his spine, about at C5-T1 for the chiropractors in the audience. He had a wound in his throat, described by every single doctor who’s seen Kennedy at Parkland Hospital as a wound of entry. Connally, too, had a wound in his back, plus an exit wound in his chest, a shattered radius in his right wrist, and a superficial wound in his left thigh.
Therefore, Specter described the path of a single bullet, a rather magic bullet it turns out, which entered Kennedy’s neck, exited his throat, then entered Connally’s back, exited his chest, broke the wrist bone, and wound up in this thigh. This theory dovetailed with a piece of forensic evidence: a bullet had been found on a bloody stretcher at Parkland, and the best evidence was that it matched the rifle Oswald is said to have used.
Sadly for Specter’s immortal soul, and for America, the Magic Bullet theory was an impossibility, and he, and the Warren Commissioners, had to have known it.
* Nobody could fire the supposed assassin’s weapon three times and with the accuracy attributed to Oswald in 5.6 seconds, even though the feat was attempted many times by Olympic riflemen. And this was after the defective scope had been corrected.
* The sequencing of the shots is impossible. In the Zapruder film, the first clear indication that Kennedy had been shot appears when the President raises his hands to his throat. This is obviously the first shot and it is from the front, causing the wound the Parkland doctors said was an entry wound. In the seat in front of him, Governor Connally begins to turn around – he’s heard a shot, he later said – first to his right, and then to his left. He is holding his Stetson in his right hand, clearly visible in the film. Then he his shot, slammed down, his face distorted. The time which elapsed between Kennedy and Connally being hit is more than a second. Bullets do not travel that slowly.
* The Kennedy and Connally reactions to being shot also destroy any possibility that a single gunman fired the shots, since these do not appear far enough apart, less than the 2.3 seconds which is the fastest the Carcano could be made to operate.
* Kennedy and Connally were so situated in the limousine that any shot which entered Kennedy’s back and exited his throat would’ve missed Connally by a wide margin to his left. The angle is forensically impossible.
* The bullet found at the hospital was virtually pristine; it was missing far fewer grains of lead than had been recovered from Connally’s body alone (some was left in his body and couldn’t be measured). This bullet was supposed to have gone through Kennedy’s body, entered Connally’s, broken his fifth rib, and broken the radial bone in his wrist. The Commission investigators had test-fired bullets into the wrist bones of cadavers. Guess what? Forget the broken rib, no bullet could break the radius and come out other than totally misshapen. There are photos of these test bullets. There are photos, too, of test bullets fired into gelatin blocks meant to replicate the thickness of a human neck, all looking a lot worse than the Parkland bullet.
The Magic Bullet does resemble other test bullets, though, several fired from Oswald’s rifle into cotton wadding for examination of the markings made by the rifle’s barrel on the slugs.
* It turns out that there is very good probability that the bullet found at Parkland was planted. This is because the bloody stretcher it was found on had been used to carry not Governor Connally but another emergency case, five-year-old Ronnie Fuller, who had a bad cut on his chin.
If Specter’s theory is wrong, there cannot have been a single assassin. Well, it’s not only wrong, it was known to be wrong by the people who ratified it.
Years later, several members talked, and when they did their remarks did not comfort anybody. They were under pressure, said Congressman Hale Boggs, and could not get evidence out of the CIA and FBI. They were told what their job was: to pacify the country. Their “conclusions” had been dictated by what they were told were historically-dangerous conditions. Dark whisperings in Washington, any talk of conspiracy would incite war, Johnson had told the Commission Chairman Earl Warren, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. If Oswald, a man who had once “defected” to the Soviet Union, was part of a plot, then disclosure of too much information or even doubt, could bring the public to demand retribution against its perpetrators, and that might mean Russia, or against Cuba. To avert war, Johnson told Warren, the case had to be whitewashed. Warren is said to have bought it.
A Warren relative once told me of a family gathering in Florida, right after release of the Report, and things the Great Man had said, his conscience bothering him over what he’d promised and delivered to Johnson. “He was ashamed,” she told me, and she had been young then, and shocked to see him that way. “He did what they wanted him to do.”
For the good of the country? Because ordinary people couldn’t handle the truth? Because there might be war? Because there might be civil war? Because those who could’ve stopped what was to come after were afraid?
Barbara Boxer, one of the brighter, more honorable members of the Senate, didn’t want to see the film on Dallas. Presumably she’s seen it by now but if so she’s not saying anything. Dallas is old news. That’s what my friend back East used to hector me with, it’s a long time ago, Raz, forget it.
It was Bill Hicks who answered the same criticism by saying, “A long time ago? Okay, well, I’ll forget about (what they did to) Kennedy if you’ll forget about Jesus... I mean, if you’re talking about shelf life...”
Of course it matters. You think nations just go bad suddenly? You think this recklessly dangerous world power, where a congress enacted a lengthy “Patriot Act” without even reading it first, where torture is considered, by moderates, to be “enhanced interrogation” and one of its proponents, John Yoo, teaches at a prestigious law school, where there are now free speech “zones” when once the entire nation was a free speech zone because we had a fucking Bill of Rights ––– you think all of this is sort of an accident?
The PBS documentary was an ugly thing, a farce in sheep’s clothing, with lengthy and often peculiar speculation by some frightful personages.
It pains me to say this, but Norman Mailer, whose death, as has been noted about others, conferred no additional qualities, had nothing to offer apart from a weird and demonstrably false psuedo-psychological theory on “why Oswald did it.” This was coupled with interviews of others who believe that the failure of people such as me – and another hundred million others, I guess – to accept the lone nut theory is due to an unwillingness to face up to the realities of a life where random tragedies can take place.
Well, let’s think about that for a minute. According to these guys, you’d prefer to believe that your country has been taken over by its secret police and their friends in the corporate and military worlds. That would be more comforting than facing it that sometimes the world can be harsh, unpredictable, and dangerous.
Well, if it turns out that both of those things are true, that is not even vaguely comforting. Only a shrink or a half-assed drunk who once wrote a couple of great books could believe such nonsense.
Of course, having spent the better part of thirty years reading damned-near everything written in English about the murders which destroyed America in the sixties, I’m used to these filmic whitewashes. America’s mass media has disgraced itself beyond measure over Dallas and its sequelae, as have both political parties and the last four presidential administrations.
“Oswald’s Ghost” was junk, even if it did give us a few clips from critics like Josiah Thompson and Mark Lane. It pilloried Jim Garrison, which is easy to do unless you investigate what happened in New Orleans, to him and to his investigation. He’s dead now, and we’ll leave to history the task of uncovering his story. I suspect history will record him as one of America’s great patriots, but I suppose that depends on who writes it.
The Kennedy assassinations, and that of Dr. King, are not the subject of controversy. Revelations in recent years have simply added confirmation to what has long been known by many people in power. Political leaders are often murdered by their own governments, that’s the political history of the world. In America, who else could manage it?
Presumably, most of the conspirators involved in the sixties’ killings are themselves dead now. In June it will have been forty years since Sirhan Sirhan shot five people in the kitchen at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles, and none of them was named Kennedy. Within the last year, the BBC showed filmic evidence of three known CIA assassins inside the Embassy Room celebration the night Robert Kennedy won the California primary. American television did not care. Nor, evidently, do the American people.
So I doubt that I will be watching any more “documentaries” on the assassinations. No point. But I must have some hope left in me somewhere. After all, I’m writing to you about it.
I have no clue what to make of the current presidential contest. I’m not sure whether anything can be done, regardless of who wins. Maybe the best thing to hope for is an administration which will not actively destroy what’s left of the greatness of America, the last pieces of its Constitution, and the spirit of youthful anger, confrontation, and resistence.
I know what Bobby, and Jack Kennedy, and King would be saying about America’s wars, about torture, about warrantless surveilance, and “free speech zones,” and so do you.